Handling and Storing Your Bullion Coin

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Bullion coins are some of the most beautiful objects to collect. Since all bullion coins are minted from precious metals that are easily susceptible to tarnish or markings from mishandling or exposure to the environment, proper storing and handling of bullion coins are important to preserve their beauty and collectible (some say resale) value. We can even went as far as to surmise that collecting bullion coins requires skills, knowledge and investment far more advanced than normal coin collecting as proper know how in acquisition, storage method and handling  is essential to preserve the value of your coin portfolio. Because bullion coins are generally high priced, a single tarnish, scratch mark or even thumb print could devalue the coin very substantially, in the case of Proofs or Brilliant Uncirculated(BU) coins, to less than half of its original value.

The first and foremost rule in handling bullion coins is to handle them as less often as possible, better yet, never at all. Gold bullion coins can easily show dent marks or scratch even from the slightest „accidents“ as gold are very soft and malleable metal, this is more prevalent with coins that have exceptionally high purity like the Canadian Gold Maple Leaf (.9999 fineness). Silver on the other hand is notorious for being easily tarnished when exposed to even minute amounts of moisture in air or even human skin. Therefore if you must handle your coin, there is a few guidelines that should be taken into consideration:

1. Hold your coin by its edges, never touch the surface of the coin with your bare fingers as the acidity of human skin would result in color change or wear marks that would tarnish the surface of the coin. Preferably, wear a soft cotton glove when handling bullion coins.

2. Be very careful not to drop, bump or rub your coin against hard surfaces as this might easily result in dents or scratch marks, place foam or soft pads on the table when you are examining the coin to prevent the coin from scratches, ensure that the environment that the coin comes into contact with is dry, clean and free of contaminants.

3. Never breath onto the coin surface, the moisture from human breaths can cause discoloration which would be hard to remove if ever possible at all.

There are many solution offered in the market in storing and displaying your coin collection, in fact nowadays many fresh-out-of-the-mint bullion coins comes in plastic containers that does an excellent job in protecting your investment.

1. For display and short term storage purposes for lower value coins,  coin albums and flips provide adequate protection and effective display for large selection of coin, however since albums and flips are not fully air tight, the coins might suffer discoloration from air moisture and contaminant after long periods of time. Therefore this method cannot be applied for the more valuable coins of your collection. One should also take note that the coin albums and flips should not be made of PVC as PVC decompose when reacting the heat and light , the resulting chemical reaction releases hydrochloric acid which will slowly render your coins worthless!!!

2. The most common and economical solution is to use 2×2 cardboard containers lined with Mylar plastics, the coin can be placed on the Mylar and the container can be fold over to enclose the coin and snapped shut. This provide a high level of protection at an affordable price for the majority of your coin collection.

3. For the most valuable coins in your collection, a coin slab provides maximum protection against the elements albeit at a steeper investment, they are made from hermetically sealed hard plastic holders in which individual coins are encased.

Practicing proper care in handling and storing bullion coins is very similar to learning how to protect your financial investment, which in the long run can insure you against disappointment and protection from serious financial losses due to deterioration of your coin collection, therefore making your coin collecting experience much more rewarding.

Visit our website and online store at http://www.buybullions.co.uk for more information.

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The Importance of Learning Spanish Grammar

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It is important to learn proper Spanish grammar when you learn to speak and write the language. However, knowing grammar by itself will not make you a fluent speaker. Most courses in the language integrate the grammar with other aspects, such as the vocabulary and the proper pronunciation. One of the things you will realize about the grammar is that all nouns have a definite or indefinite article in front of them. In English you would simply say girl or boy. This is not so in Spanish. Girl is a chica?and boy is l chico? You cannot just say hica?or hico? All nouns are either masculine or feminine and there is no neuter gender as there is in English.

Just as there are rules for making nouns plural in English, there are also rules of grammar for this in Spanish. These are:

– If a noun ends in a vowel, add ?to make it plural. You must also make the definite or indefinite article plural as well. El becomes los and la becomes les.

– If a noun ends in a consonant, adds?to make the word plural.

– If a noun ends in on, you adds?but you drop the accent mark on the letter ?

– If a noun ends with the letter ? you change the ?to ?and adds?

There are only three categories of verbs in Spanish ?those ending in and To conjugate a verb from its infinitive form, you still use the same pronouns as you do in English. There are rules for conjugating each category of verb according to the subject pronoun, which are important for you to learn. While all verbs end in ?when you want to use the pronoun ? they differ when you use the singular form of ou? which is sted?in Spanish. In order to conjugate the verbs with this pronoun, the rule is to add ?when you are using an ?verb and to use ?when you use an or verb.

Adjectives follow the noun they describe, rather than the English placement of in front of the noun. The form of the adjectives also changes depending on whether the word being described is masculine or feminine and whether it is singular or plural. Most adjectives end with the letter ?and have four forms ?masculine singular, masculine plural, feminine singular and feminine plural. There are adjectives that do end in ?and to make them plural you add the letter ? If the adjective ends with a consonant, you adds?to form the plural.

These are just the basics of what is involved in learning grammar when you learn Spanish. Because of the gender it is important to know how to speak and write the language properly so that you won inadvertently insult the person to whom you are speaking or writing. When you are taking a course, your instructor will gladly assist you in knowing when and where to use the words properly.

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Spying Cell Phones and IMEI Codes: The End Of Privacy – Protect Yourself

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If someone has access to your cell phone and IMEI code, for just a few minutes, your life can become an open book! Some spy software is so sophisticated that it records conversations in the vicinity of the phone, even when you are not using it. Text messages that have been erased are easy to get at with inexpensive spy technology. Read on to learn a way to protect yourself from this invasion of privacy and what you should do if you think you are being spied on through your cell phone.

To protect yourself you must understand the basics of this technology and how it works. The spy needs two things: the IMEI code for your phone and software to connect with that code. IMEI stands for International Mobile Equipment Identity and is a number unique to each mobile device. It is found in the battery compartment of each phone and is 15 digits long. There are three places the spy can get the IMEI number:

  1. – From the phone contract. It was on my iPhone 4 contract.
  2. – From the battery case. It was in my iPhone 4 battery compartment.
  3. – By simply dialing #06# on the phone. This worked on my iPhone 4.

Spy cell phone software is inexpensive and available on hundreds of Internet sites. It is easy to install and can be downloaded directly from the Internet to your phone in seconds. The combination of software installed on your phone and the IMEI number make you a sitting duck for any kind of surveillance activity. The spy can now monitor your activities from a home computer or a smart phone. If you have something to hide – beware!

Is the use of this software legal? Yes, if you own the phone. Websites selling these products always have a disclaimer stating that they will not be responsible for illegal uses of the phone while at the same time promoting the software activities that do not appear to be legal. Because the software is undetectable spies are unlikely to be prosecuted.

If you suspect someone may be spying on your cell phone activities, you need to take your phone to your provider and have them clear the memory and restore it to the factory settings. Then guard your phone like it is a credit card that can be used without a password. In other words – don’t share it, even for a minute, with anyone you don’t know and trust.

There are many legitimate uses for the IMEI number and for the spying software and it is unlikely that either will go away. The IMEI number functions like a serial number making it easy to register and ban the resale of stolen phones. Spy software can add provide some security to children and teens while allowing more freedom. Spy software can also be used to find stolen and lost cell phones. As a concerned parent, and a person who sometimes loses his phone, I decided to install spy software on all the family phones.

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Nexus S first impressions

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DesignThe Nexus S’s candy-bar design is fairly standard–it resembles many of its Galaxy S siblings–but it shows a few unique elements and it’s worlds apart from the Nexus One. It’s larger and lighter than its ancestor, and it sports an all-black plastic skin with a very faint design on the rear face. We admit, we’re a bit divided LCD Monitor on the appearance. It’s shiny and pretty, but the Nexus S feels too fragile in the hand. Remember that the Nexus One had some metal parts, which gave it a sturdy feel. We’re not saying the Nexus S feels cheap, but we’d be wary of dropping it on a hard surface. Also, the plastic surface and the display attract fingerprints like crazy.Below the display sit the four Android touch controls (menu, search, back, and home).

Unlike with the Nexus One, you don’t get a navigation trackball; we missed that trackball just a bit. Fortunately, the camera on the rear side is almost flush with the back of the phone–other Android handsets have a protruding lens–and it sits next to the bright flash. The second camera lens is on the front side just above the bright display. Other exterior features consist of a thin volume rocker on the left spine and a power control on the right spine. The 3.5mm headset jack and Micro-USB port sit on the phone’s bottom end. Though it’s not a huge deal, we’d prefer those ports to be up top.Samsung is highlighting the Nexus S‘ „contour“ design in its promotional materials. To you that means that the front of the device, display included, is slightly concave. The idea is to make it more comfortable to hold the phone against the side of your head. We’re not so impressed, though.

The curve is so slight that we didn’t notice any difference. We may feel differently after days of use, but the curve seems like a gimmick so far.InterfaceLike its predecessor, the Nexus S offers a straight Google experience uncluttered LCD Monitors by a manufacturer’s custom interface or a set of carrier-installed apps. Make no mistake that this is a phone for users who want the Android OS served up straight and simple. Indeed, we’ve always been fans of „letting Android be Android,“ so we’re not going to fault Sammy and Google for going this route. Even with Gingerbread, seasoned Android users will find few new elements. The Super AMOLED display is a little sharper than on the Nexus One, though not too dissimilar from the Galaxy S series. A few of the onscreen icons look different, but the main menu has the „crawl“ design where icons disappear into the background.

Five home screens are available for customization.GingerbreadWe’re still exploring the full details of the new OS, though we did try the new copy and paste. When using a long press to select words in paragraph, you’re now given an option to select just the word you’re touching rather than the whole block of text. Then, you’ll see new arrows for grabbing just the words you want. It may sound like a small change, but it makes a huge improvement in usability. The virtual keyboard also has some small-but-welcome tweaks.FeaturesWe’ll need time to check out the phone’s features, but we can offer a list of the Nexus S‘ offerings as a refresher. When taken as a whole, you’ll see many of the features available in the Nexus One, though the Nexus S adds a near field communications (NFC) chip, the aforementioned Touch Screen second camera, a gyroscope for gaming, and a 1Ghz Hummingbird processor (the Nexus One had a 1Ghz Snapdragon processor). That’s not a bad lot, but we were hoping for more from such a showcase device. And we’re not happy about the lack of a microSD card slot, HDMI output, and support for T-Mobile’s HSPA+ network.

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Learn All About Self Esteem

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Self esteem is something that every person should have and the loss of it in a person spell disaster. Just like anything that a person has to have, a person should work at building his or her self esteem. Before one can do that, there is a need to know things about self esteem. Self esteem is how a person perceives his or herself. There are various factors that a person should have a positive attitude about including the value he or she gives to him or herself as a human being, his or her career and his or her achievements in order to develop a high self esteem.

That is only for starters, one has to go deeper an see a positive meaning to one’s place in the world and as well as one’s purpose in life. In looking at the future, there should be optimism while evaluating one’s potential to be successful by working on one’s weaknesses and highlighting the strengths. Last but certainly not the least a person has to have independence or the capacity to stand on his or her own to feet because being independent is one good way to start building a high self esteem.

Knowing all these things will help a great deal but there might also be other factors that you want to add but this is a really good start already. You might get from the very long first paragraph that building high self esteem is all about the individual and that is true because your self worth is obviously based on how the individual sees his or himself.

However the people surrounding a person also has an impact on the self esteem of the individual concerned especially the people with whom the person has a close relationship with. This is the reason why there are a lot of cases of damaged self esteems that are somehow related to emotional and physical battery as well as milder cases of heartbreaks for the teenagers.

Getting back on your feet has a lot to do with getting that self esteem back after a shattering experience. It does not matter if you work on building it slowly so long as you are focused at getting your high self esteem back to where it belongs.

The importance of high self esteem is one thing that we cannot ignore because it is very crucial as a cornerstone to a happy living. Having a high level of this aspect of yourself will make you highly motivated to work at achieving your goals will give you the right attitude to be successful in whatever endeavor one chooses to take.

In fact in a CNN interview with Robert Wagner by the legend Larry King, he was quoted as saying that „I would tell them the most important thing is to work on your self esteem, that is the best advice I can give.“ Take it from someone who knows what he is talking about and to one who walked the talk. So for those who have low self esteem, look within yourselves and discover that there is so much about you that you can be proud of.

For those who are lucky enough to already be working on building high self esteem, keep up with your good work and hopefully nothing will ever crush you should something very challenging come your way.

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How Do I Remove Malware – 2 Simple Ways of Getting Rid of Malware

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One question that a lot of people have is what is malware and if infected, how do I remove malware?

Basically, malware stands for malicious software and consists of numerous kinds of dangerous computer infections like virus, worm, Trojan, adware and spyware. Before you go about removing it, there are certain facts about malware that you must know.

* Most computer owners are unaware of the presence of malware on their PC.

* Malware is extremely harmful as it can steal your personal information like passwords, bank account numbers, social security and credit card numbers.

* Other bad effects of malware include slower system performance, change in original settings, infected registry, fake popups and permanent damage of hard disk files.

Now that you are wondering „how do I remove malware,“ there are essentially two methods of getting rid of malware, including:

1. Find the malware program, processes and files and use the „Add/Remove“ feature to uninstall them.

2. Get an anti spyware tool to remove the malware from your PC.

The first method has to be done manually. If you are not comfortable with the technical part of the process, you should not try to remove malware yourself. This may disrupt the present settings of your PC or even ruin it further. Moreover, malware can mask itself and take different forms. These can only be recognized by experts who can use the manual way to eliminate malware.

A better and easier way to remove malware is to acquire a program that detects and demolishes malware. To find such a software, go online and type ‚how do I remove malware‘ in a search engine. Your search results will show spyware removal tolls that can delete all malware from your computer and keep it clean for a long time to come.

Buying a good spyware remover is the best, easiest and fastest way to get rid of malware and prevent future infections. Don’t waste your time with free versions because these will just bring new malware to your PC.

Invest some money in a reliable spyware removal tool to get effective results. It will also allow you to do unlimited daily scans for Malware, Spyware, Adware, dialers, cookies and keyloggers. Any potential threats will be blocked and the ones present on your system will be deleted within minutes.

The next time you ask yourself ‚how do I remove malware‘, just install a robust spyware remover and leave the rest to it. Its as simple as ABC!

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Sat Nav Devices: Your Best Bet for Finding Unknown Locations

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The capability of the portable sat nav devices to sniff out obscure locations has made them the hottest selling gadgets – particularly among frequent travelers and globe trotters. Road users have been more than happy with all the innovative features of many such devices, which they can use to their advantage in finding their way across different areas. They can accessorize their cars and bikes with these gadgets, a fact that is making these devices all the more useful.

The users of these devices can stay focused on the road and have some of their co-passengers take over the navigation. Satellite Navigation Systems work by retrieving exact locations and the necessary traffic information from orbiting satellites and feeding the data to in-built LCD screens. The calculated location is then presented on a detailed map so that the users can track their movement en-route to their desired destinations. Most sat nav devices come with a user selectable voice, which tells the driver when to take a turn or warns them of any known problems such as a speed camera.

In a recent survey of company car drivers covering over one million miles in the UK, it was found that drivers with a GPS safety device fitted to their vehicle were 50% less prone to have an accident and 74% less likely to have a speeding endorsement. The latest sat nav models come laden with extra performance packed features such as speed-trap locators and the ability to navigate by photos on maps. With such devices, you would no more need the bells and whistles. One fact you should keep in mind is that the camera locations can change. To keep pace with the change, you’ll need to buy updates to assist you in avoiding any unwelcome points on your license.

There’s a great range of sat nav devices in the market as of now, and the users are not limited in the choices that they can make. Competition in the auto accessory sector is fierce, which means low prices and bewildering choices. No matter how modest or swish your tastes, there is a well-priced model to suit your budget.

Adding a sat nav is the safest way of instantly upgrading your car and making journeys go more smoothly and economically. In fact, you should plan your long trips better and cut down on unnecessary ‚lost‘ mileage which invariable happens when using a paper map. In addition, many of these devices are integrated with MP3 players that can make the trip, voyage or journey quite unforgettable.

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Globalization and its impact on international trade

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  Abstract

This essay is based on the book: „The Next Global Stage: The challenges and opportunities in our borderless world“, by Kenichi Ohmae. The theme chosen from this book is:“ globalization and its impact on international trade“. The essay discusses globalization and the extent to which the global economy has the potential not only to constrain but also to enable governments to pursue their policy objectives (Weis, 2009). This essay posits that if one wishes to account for impacts of globalization in any particular national setting, then one must start with the domestic institutions of governance, which mediate the challenges of openness

 Keywords: globalization, the Next Global Stage, challenges and opportunities borderless world, challenges and opportunities

Introduction

 This essay is based on the book: „The Next Global Stage: The challenges and opportunities in our borderless world“, by Kenichi Ohmae. Ohmae explains why economic theories of the past no longer work in today’s global economy. He provides a blue print for today’s business to succeed in this global economy. He reinvents the map by defining region states and the blue print for them to succeed as well. One major question he tries to address is about the global economy. What is globalization? What makes our economy a global one? Ohmae states that even though our borders are diminishing, most nation states still want to continue to have power on the movement of people and goods for security reasons. But in the business world, there are areas that have   proven   they   can   exist   without   many   constraints.   These   areas   are   in communication, capital corporations and consumers(Ohmae, 2005). In addition to being borderless, our economy has become more visible, cyber-connected and measured in multiples or expectation of success.

He argues that we must abandon our economic theories of yesterday. While they helped us to make sense of our economies in the past, and assisted us with devising appropriate legislature, the theories no longer work for the following reasons. The flow of money as described by Keynesian economics becomes complicated if two countries start   trading  a   multitude  of   different  products  and   services,  or   if   they  start communication with ultrafast computers.

The theme chosen from this book: „The Next Global Stage: The challenges and opportunities in our borderless world“, is globalization and its impact on international trade. The essay discusses globalization and the extent to which the global economy has the potential not only to constrain but also to enable governments to pursue their policy objectives (Weiss, 2003). This essay posits that if one wishes to account for impacts of globalization in any particular national setting, then one must start with the domestic institutions of governance, which mediate the challenges of openness. This essay is organized under the following headings:

 1.  The meaning of Globalization

2.  Benefits of Trade

3.  Competition and Consumers

4.  Globalization and Domestic Institutions

5.  Countries and Condominiums

6.  Conclusion

The Concept of Globalization

The world economy is experiencing a fundamental change. We are moving away from a world in which national economies were relatively self – contained entities, isolated from each other by barriers by barriers to cross-border trade and investment, by distance, time zones and language, and by national differences in government regulation, culture, and business systems. And as Hill(2005) observes, we are moving toward a world in which barriers to cross-border trade and   investment are falling, perceived distance is reducing due to technological advances in transportation and telecommunication, material culture is beginning to look similar the world over, national economies are merging into interdependent global economic system. 

Globalization refers to the shift toward a more integrated and interdependent world economy. Globalization has several different features, including globalization of markets, and the globalization of production (Hill, 2005). The different definitions of globalization according to many authors, Annabelle and Betsy(2007), Boudreaux(2008), Schirm(2007) and   Cortell(2006),   converge around a common understanding of globalization as an integration of markets, a cross-border interconnectedness of economic spaces and thus a denationalization of economic process. Therefore, economic globalization shall be defined here as the increasing share of private cross- border activities in the total economic output of countries. With this basic definition, globalization can be measured as the share of foreign trade, foreign direct investment and financial transaction in the gross domestic product of a country or a region and as a share in the world product (Annabelle and Betsy, 2007; Boudreaux, 2008; Schirm, 2007 and Cortell, 2006).

The globalization of markets refers to the merging of historically distinct and separate national markets into one huge global market. Falling barriers to cross border trade have made it easier to sell internationally. For some time, the argument has been that  the  taste  and  preferences of  consumers in  different  nations are beginning to converge on some global norm, thereby helping to create a global market(Bhagwati, 2004).

When we speak of globalization we typically talk of countries becoming more economically integrated with each other, of countries undertaking the actions that result in greater trade. For example, we speak of the United States buying more goods and services from China. So when a newspaper reporter writes that China is selling more goods to the United States, recognize that this statement really means that many individuals in that region of the globe that we call „China“ are spending more of their time and resources making things for shipment to that part of the globe that we call „the United States“ where many persons living there choose to buy these things.

This  insistence  that  individuals rather  than  countries  drive  commerce  might sound trite. It is not. Much misunderstanding sprouts from the failure to keep in mind that trade is done by persons not by countries or by governments. With this realization front and center, we correctly understand international trade as motivated by the same forces, and as unleashing the same consequences, as trade among citizens of the same country.

 Benefits of Trade

 The question that comes to mind in the wake of globalization is: Why do any two persons trade with each other? The answer is as obvious as it appears to be, because each party to a trade expects to be made better off by that trade. If you choose to spend

$5.00 for a cup of coffee at Starbucks, you do so because, as you judge your own well- being, that cup of coffee will give you greater satisfaction than would whatever else you might buy with that $5.00. The owner of  the  Starbucks franchise also has similar reasons. Having an additional $5.00 in her still is worth more to her than keeping on hand the coffee she sells to you. Nothing about this explanation for voluntary trade implies that people do not make mistakes. Perhaps after taking a few sips of the coffee you realize that you ordered regular when you meant to order decaffeinated, or that you suddenly are no longer in the mood for coffee. You then regret for any purchase that is made.

But at the time you made the trade, clearly you thought that buying that cup of coffee was in your best interest. Otherwise you would not have bought it. When we look at the world with snapshot vision—say, looking at it only as it exists on a particular day such as August 24, 2012—about the only steps we can take to improve human well- being is to reallocate things that already exist. The example of you buying a cup of coffee from Starbucks involves such a reallocation. The coffee beans used to brew your coffee already existed when you decided to purchase your cup of coffee, as did the cardboard cup in which it was served to you, the machine that brewed the coffee, and the retail space that you entered to make your purchase. But even though nothing new was produced by your purchase, it is important to see that voluntary exchange generally makes all parties to the transaction better off. You are better off because ownership of that  cup of  coffee  was  reallocated from Starbucks to  you; Starbucks is  better  off because ownership of the $5.00 was reallocated from you to Starbucks. By simply reallocating goods from people who value them less to people who value them more, the well-being of society is increased.

 And because each of us has incentives to seek out and strike deals that make us better off, and to avoid deals that do not, voluntary exchange, even of things that already exist, generally improves human well-being. But our well-being would not be improved very much if we did nothing but exchange things that already exist. Much greater and continuing improvement requires production. For standards of living to increase the economy must transform „inputs“ into desirable „outputs.“

A far more interesting question is what causes this wealth? Before we explore the answer to this question, it’s interesting to notice that Smith did not ask „what causes poverty.“ Smith(1981) would have found such a question to be odd, if not downright meaningless. In Smith’s time, even in relatively prosperous Western Europe, poverty was widespread. Poverty was the norm. Smith understood that poverty has no causes; it is, to use a modern term, humankind’s default mode.  

If each of us does nothing, if each of us exerts no creativity and no effort, we will all be miserably poor. It is no challenge to „create“ poverty. The real challenge, Smith realized, is to create wealth, especially enough wealth so that it is regularly available to ordinary people. Smith saw that wealth is rooted in specialization, what he called „the division of labor.“ If each of us must produce everything that we consume, with no help from others, we would be unimaginably poor. How does specialization cause such awesome increases in total output? Smith(1981) identified three reasons.

 First, specialization reduces the time spent moving from job to job. Someone who tends crops in the morning and then cleans skyscraper windows in the afternoon must spend a good deal of time each day traveling from the farm to the city and back. This time spent moving from one job to the next is time not spent producing output. So if Sam specializes in producing nothing but wheat and Suzy specializes in doing nothing but cleaning windows, together they will produce more output than they would if each worked at both tasks.

 Second, specialization promotes the acquisition of skills; it promotes what Smith called „the increase of dexterity in every particular workman.“ If each day you spend only five minutes practicing the piano, you will never become a good piano player. This is true even if you are blessed with vast natural talent for that musical instrument. To become highly skilled, each week you must play the piano for many hours. And the more time you devote to playing the piano, the better you become at it. Put differently, the less time you must spend doing other things—growing your food, making your clothes, mowing the lawn, practicing karate—the more time you can spend honing your skills as a pianist and thus the better you become at making music with that instrument. What’s true for piano playing is true for nearly every other endeavor. Persons who become skilled automobile mechanics achieve this distinction only by devoting a good portion of their time each week to repairing cars and trucks. Bakers spend much time baking. Neurosurgeons spend much time learning and practicing brain surgery. Practice and experience may not make someone perfect, but they are sure do improve that person’s skills.

 Third, specialization increases the likelihood of machinery replacing human labor and, thereby, releasing that labor to produce outputs that could not before be produced. Suppose you visit a factory and see each worker performing all the tasks required to produce a pin. Each worker pulls some wire from a roll, cuts it, sharpens one end to a point and flattens the other end to make the pin’s head. Each worker also packs the pins he or she makes into packing crates for shipment to market. If the factory owner asks you, „Hey, do you think you can make a machine to do what one of these workers does?“ how will  you answer? You would have to be  an  exceptional genius of  an engineer to design and manufacture a single machine that does several very different tasks.   But now suppose that you visit another pin factory, one that has the same number of workers as the first factory.

 In this second factory, however, one worker specializes in pulling the wire from the spool; a second worker specializes in cutting the wire; a third worker specializes in sharpening  one  end  of  each  piece  of  cut  wire  into  a  pin  point;  a  fourth  worker specializes in flattening the other ends of the pins into pinheads; and so on. If the owner of this second factory asks you to make a machine to do one of these tasks, you are more likely to agree that designing and manufacturing such a machine is doable. A machine that does nothing but, say, cut wire into pin-length strips is vastly easier to conceive and to build than is a machine that does this task plus many others.

 So, Adam Smith reasoned, when a worker specializes in performing a distinct task, chances increase that this worker, or someone observing him, will perceive an opportunity for inventing a machine to do this specific task. With a machine now doing a task that previously required human labor, workers who once performed this task can now perform other  productive tasks.  Society gets  more  output  than before.  Smith concluded that the wealth of nations grows with the division of labor and with the trade that naturally follows from it.

 As each of us specializes in doing a small, distinct job—teaching economics, preparing income tax returns, performing dentistry, playing French horn for the New York Philharmonic orchestra—and then exchanging our output for that of millions of other specialists, we are all better off. Smith’s explanation for the wealth-producing effects of specialization is important. But it was left to a younger British economist, Ricardo (2003), to discover and explain another, more fundamental reason why specialization  increases  the  wealth  of  nations.  That  reason  is  the  principle  of comparative advantage, and it is one of the most important discoveries in all of the social sciences.

 The discussion so far reveals several different ways that specialization increases society’s total  output of goods and services. Specialization saves workers‘ time, it enhances each worker’s skill at  performing his or her job, it promotes the  use of machinery, and, perhaps most importantly, specialization done according to each worker’s comparative advantage ensures that each productive task is performed by workers who can perform that task most efficiently. That is, at the lowest possible cost. Another interesting, and counter intuitive fact is revealed if we combine Smith’s insight of how specialization increases the skill of each worker with Ricardo’s insight about comparative advantage. Return to the above example in which Ann has a comparative advantage in fishing while Bob has a comparative advantage in gathering bananas. As we saw, under these circumstances, Ann will specialize more in fishing while Bob specializes more in banana gathering. But now suppose that one day while out fishing Ann is struck by a creative insight about how she can increase her daily catch. She might, for example, realize that using her sweater as fishing net will enable her to catch more fish daily than before. Now using more „capital goods“ (her fishing net) than she used previously, Ann’s capacity to catch fish rises. Let’s assume that using the net increases her capacity to catch fish from 200 fish per month to 300 fish per month.

 Ann’s capacity to produce fish now is higher (by 100 fish per month), although her capacity to gather bananas is unchanged. And, of course, Ann’s innovative use of her sweater as a fishing net does nothing to increase the quantities of bananas and of fish that Bob can produce in a month. In other words, while Ann certainly is better off having discovered an improved means of catching fish, Ann’s discovery does not make Bob better off. In fact, Ann’s greater capacity to catch fish makes even Bob at least potentially better off. To see how, note that before Ann began using a net, she was twice as efficient at fishing as Bob: each fish then cost Ann one-half a banana while each fish cost Bob one full banana. Now, not surprisingly, because her use of the net increases her efficiency at fishing, the cost to Ann of catching fish falls. Using her sweater as fishing net, each fish now costs Ann only one-third of a banana. She now gives up fewer bananas for each fish that she catches.

 But here’s the fascinating fact: by becoming a better fisherman, Ann necessarily becomes a worse banana gatherer. This is true even though her capacity to produce bananas remains unchanged. Before Ann learned to use the net, each banana she produced cost her two fish. Now, because using the net increases Ann’s capacity to catch fish, each banana that she might now produce would cost her three fish. And although Bob’s cost of gathering bananas has not changed, it remains one fish per banana; his cost of gathering bananas relative to Ann’s cost has indeed fallen. Before Ann improved her capacity to catch fish, Bob’s cost of producing bananas was half of Ann’s cost of producing bananas (one fish per banana for Bob compared to two fish per banana for Ann). Now that Ann is a more productive fisherman, Bob’s cost of producing bananas falls to one-third of what it costs Ann to produce bananas (one fish per banana for Bob compared to three fish per banana for Ann). In other words, when Ann improves her advantage over Bob at fishing, she simultaneously and unavoidably improves Bob’s advantage over her at gathering bananas.

This comparative lowering of Bob’s cost of producing bananas means that Bob enjoys at least the potential of increasing the number of fish that he can persuade Ann to give him for every banana that he sells to her. Before Ann began to use the net, the most that she would pay for each of Bob’s bananas was two fish; now she is willing to pay up to three fish per banana.

 Competition and Consumers

 In the example above of comparative advantage, the gains from specialization and trade are shared pretty equally between Ann and Bob. This equality of sharing the gains  from  trade,  however,  need  not  be  true  in  reality  in  order  for  comparative advantage still to work for the improvement of all peoples‘ material well-being. If Ann is a more skilled bargainer than Bob, she might persuade Bob to accept fewer fish in exchange for his bananas. Being a better bargainer than Bob, Ann will enjoy more of the gains from specialization and trade than Bob will. But as long as both parties voluntarily trade with each other, each person nevertheless is made better off than he or she would be without specializing and trading. No matter how good a bargainer Ann might be, she will never persuade Bob to pay more than one banana for each of her fish. Bob will not pay, for example, 1.1 bananas for a fish from Ann given that he can produce each of his own fish at a cost to him of 1.0 bananas.

In reality, of course, there are millions of consumers and millions of producers, with each producer being highly specialized. No single person today, for example, specializes in making automobiles. Instead, automobiles are produced by thousands of people, each of whom specializes in one or two finely distinct tasks, such as designing body styles, building parts for internal-combustion engines, cutting sheet metal, welding, tanning leather for the seats, and so on. As workers specialize at ever more narrow tasks, the productivity from specialization increases, both for the reasons identified by Adam Smith and because of the principle of comparative advantage. Compared to our simple two-person, two-good example, the real world is marked by a division of labor that is wider (there are millions of goods and services, not only two, produced and consumed) and deeper (the production of each good or service for market typically requires many different specialists, each of whom contributes his or her talents to produce only a part of the final output).

 A widening and a deepening of the division of labor increases total output. Another consequence is that each person, while specializing at producing only one kind of output, deals as a consumer with countless numbers of suppliers. As a producer, your dentist performs a highly specialized task, but as a consumer he buys goods and services from many different suppliers—grocers, barbers, oil companies, furniture makers among others. The list is practically endless. Also unlike in the simple two- person model featuring Ann and Bob, the real world division of labor does not result in each producer having a monopoly over his particular task. Large numbers of people participating in  an  economy means not only that the  division of labor widens and deepens, it means also that several people will have a comparative advantage at any specific task.

The  result  is  competition  among  these  specialist  producers  for  consumers‘ dollars. With lots of fishermen, Ann will be obliged to sell her fish at prices no higher than those charged by other fishermen. With lots of banana sellers, Bob will be obliged to sell his bananas at prices no higher than those charged by other banana growers. So another advantage of international trade is that it increases the number of competitors in each industry which, in turn, helps to ensure that producers keep their prices competitive. We saw above that when Ann’s capacity to catch fish increases, this improvement creates the potential to make Bob better off even though nothing about Bob’s productive abilities changes. Competition makes this potential a reality. When Ann becomes a better fisherman, she captures more of the fish market by lowering her prices to levels that before would have been unprofitable.

 If producers can collude to avoid this competition, they will do so. But collusion is practically possible only when the number of producers in an industry is very small and when the  likelihood of  new entry is minuscule. Shielding domestic producers from foreign rivals only increases the likelihood of successful collusion among firms in an industry.

 Greater numbers of competitors mean also greater prospects for discovering and implementing improvements in production techniques, and a greater likelihood that such improvements will be mimicked or even bettered by other producers. The result of this competitive process is that, over time, production costs fall and prices are driven down to these new lower costs of supplying the good or service.

 Globalization and Domestic Institutions

 Although the constraints on government policy have been often overstated, there is no disputing the fact that economic interdependence has grown very significantly over the past four decades. The facts concerning globalization are familiar. Reflecting a reduction in the transaction costs of international economic exchange, trade in goods and services and especially capital flows have increased notably in the last thirty years. For the average developed country, trade in goods and services as a share of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has expanded from approximately 45 per cent to 65 per cent between the mid-1960s and mid-1990s (The World Bank, 2003).

 Total borrowing on international capital markets rose to more than $830 billion in 1995, from less than $360 billion just five years before (OECD 1996). Declines in covered interest rate differentials and liberalization of controls on movements of goods, services, and finance have proceeded apace. While observers have noted distinct limits to globalization (e.g., Berger and Dore 1996; Keohane and Milner 1996; Weiss 1998), there is little question that internationalization has significantly expanded during the post-Bretton Woods era. While these figures show that national economies are far more inter dependent today than in the recent past (though not necessarily more than a century ago), the implied conclusion that they support the existence of a strong globalization tendency which in turn constrains state capacity has been widely challenged. Indeed, the main critical response to the idea of globalization as constraint has been a quantitative one, which consists in showing that globalization is far less advanced  than  its  proponents  have  claimed.  Many  scholars  skeptical  of  such  a tendency have sought to counter the idea of an all-powerful, border-erasing force at work by setting these quantitative changes within a larger perspective, assessing their overall weight as a proportion of national economic activity.

 Beyond measurement accounts focusing on how far globalization has advanced are valuable for infusing quantitative analysis with a historical perspective that ably clarifies the real extent of globalization. But, as a critical response, the measurement approach remains limited and inconclusive. For one thing, it has produced a stalemate: if globalists are not impressed with these findings, it is because they can always counter with the claim that even if globalization has not yet gone far, it is surely only a matter of time. Moreover, a focus on the extent of globalization may set us on a false trail.

 The larger message is the need for a new research agenda, which focuses on the   enabling  face  of   globalization.  Many  writers,  (Annabelle  and  Betsy(2007), Boudreaux, 2008; Schirm,2007 and  Cortell, 2006),  have contributed to that endeavor. It adds to a small but substantial literature covering a variety of topics – from financial liberalization to  industrial  relations  –  which  presents  compelling  arguments  for  an enabling view of globalization. I extract from literature two theoretical arguments, adding a third of my own, as to why globalization does not produce a ‘race to the bottom‘ in government taxation and spending policies, and why it does not in principle prevent governments from pursuing desired economic and social objectives. So rather than implementing generalized cuts, governments will often have strong political incentives either to sustain or to increase domestic compensation.

 This is the widely overlooked ‘political logic‘ of voice that acts as a countertendency to the ‘economic logic‘ of exit, as argued by Garrett (1998a). This view of interdependence, as a process that encourages governments to balance openness with social protection, has a distinguished pedigree, linking back to Katzenstein’s (1985) pioneering work on the small states of northern Europe where he found trade openness strongly associated with well-developed measures aimed at providing ‘domestic compensation‘ for labor and industry. In the small states context, Katzenstein found that the strength of economic openness correlates with a heightened perception of vulnerability, giving rise to an ideology of social partnership and complementary (corporatist) institutional arrangements. Thus ‘small states‘ in the Katzensteinian sense can be seen as the forerunners of globalizations‘ ‘enabling‘ dynamic in the developed democracies.

From what has been argued so for, one may generate the following hypothesis: the greater the level of (trade) interdependence, the stronger the elite perception of vulnerability, and the greater the likelihood of compensatory and inclusionary domestic structures which blunt rather than exacerbate the pressures of openness. The main point, then, is that against the expectation that mobile capital in the form of multinational corporations and financial market investors will generally depress social spending and drive down corporate taxes via threat of exit, one must set the less noted (politically) enabling  impact  of  openness.  By  heightening  perceptions  of  vulnerability  among different social groups, the latter has the potential to encourage compensatory responses from government. The stress on ‘potential‘ is important because the responses vary with institutional setting. As Swank(2003) says, the ‘political logic‘ of enablement impacts differently according to the prevailing normative and organizational conditions – hence explaining, for example, the more fiscally restrained patterns of welfare reform in liberal-market economies like Britain, compared with the more fiscally accommodating or moderately expansive patterns respectively in sectorally or centrally coordinated-market systems like Germany and Sweden, all nowadays highly interdependent economies.

In  a  parallel manner for  East Asia, Garrett (1998b).   argues that the  more competitive the political system (as a result of democratization), the more governments have become responsive to welfare constituencies in a period of growing economic openness, even in the absence of any real political commitment to a welfare system. However potentially mobile the modern corporation may be, increased exposure to world markets heightens the firm’s need for continuous innovation, industrial upgrading, and competent workers. So instead of generalized slashing of corporate taxes and shifting the tax burden from capital to labor, governments will often have strong incentives to provide services to capital in exchange for maintaining tax revenue. As a number of scholars have observed, for all the neoclassical strictures about the harm wrought by state intervention, internationally oriented firms are still prone to welcome the benefits offered by a host of government programs (Garrett, 1998a).

At the very least, this offers a plausible way of explaining why, in many national settings, internationally mobile firms may be willing to sustain relatively high tax (and spending) levels, contrary to the standard expectations of capital exit. For this is where the  overall  evidence points, as Weiss(2003) demonstrates, subjecting ‘race-to the- bottom‘ claims to the test in a compelling analysis of the state’s fiscal profile in the current golden period of globalization. Overturning conventional expectations, Weiss‘ findings leave little room for doubting the general trend: notwithstanding limited oscillations and country particularities over time, it is clear that the tax burden on corporations in the OECD has generally increased rather than declined in the period of rising economic interdependence, that governments have not shifted the tax burden from capital to labor and, moreover, that they have generally increased taxes. To these two arguments, we can add a third as to why globalization has enabling rather than simply constraining effects on national governance.

 This concerns the way in which intensified competitive pressures may threaten to destabilize key sectors of the economy – from agriculture to telecommunications and finance. The effect of such competitive challenges is to urge governments to devise new policy  responses, new  regulatory  regimes,  and  similar  restructuring reforms.  Most critically, responding to these new challenges creates incentives for governments to develop new or strengthen existing policy networks. For some purposes, this entails the expansion of intergovernmental cooperation in more or less permanent fora (e.g., the EU, WTO, BIS, G8). For others, it involves the extension of links between government and business in order to increase or improve policy input from the private sector. In both domestic and international settings, the capacity for economic governance may be enhanced by more effective information sharing and policy implementation. In each case, neither government nor business autonomy is thereby negated. Rather, it is ‘enmeshed‘ in a network of interdependencies, the rules for which are established by government – hence ‘governed interdependence‘.

 The overall effect of such changes is a transformation in the state’s relational enmeshment with other power actors. Staying with the domestic setting, the more general  point  to  emphasize  is  that  openness  can  create  strong  pressures  for maintaining or extending cooperative ties between government and industry, as well as for information sharing, for coordinated responses to collective action problems, and more generally for  the  state to  act as provider of collective goods. Of course the transformation of public–private sector relations is not the only possible outcome of globalizations‘ enabling dynamic. In some cases – the Chinese response to WTO- induced  reforms  being  the  exemplary  one,  preparing  for  increased  competitive pressures has led to the restructuring of central–local government relations rather than of public–private sector ones.

 As a result of new power-sharing arrangements between the different units of government, the capacity of the Chinese state has been transformed from one based on the closed-economy model of central planning to one based on selective intervention at both national and local levels. But outside the somewhat special case of China, in the developed democracies the more general principle applies, whereby increasing policy input from encompassing economic groups in the private sector tends to strengthen the state’s transformative capacity. This principle is nicely illustrated in a number of existing studies,  in  particular,  Cortel’s  study  of  agricultural  reform in  France  (2000),  Mark Lehrer’s analysis of the growth of high-technology entrepreneurship in Germany (2000), as well as the account of industrial upgrading in European and East Asian countries.

 In a pioneering study of the highly globalised derivatives markets, Cortel offers further evidence of a similar dynamic at work in this most unexpected quarter. Also running contrary to expectations about the demise of transformative capacity in East Asia is the Korean state’s recent partnering with organized industry groups to create, inter alia, a domestic software industry, highlighted by Weiss(2003). Such examples add flesh to a larger theoretical point advanced in this essay: namely, that globalization does indeed impact on national governance and its domestic structures, but the impact is not only, or even generally, constraining. For globalization also contributes to the expansion of  governing  capacities  through  both  the  transformation  of  public–private  sector relations and the growth of policy networks.

 The important point to reiterate is that the extent to which these enabling conditions (of international competition) and the political incentives for intervention that they generate are likely to be actualized and to inform policy making will depend heavily on institutional features of the domestic environment. As Weiss(2003) stated, although the economic incentives for particular kinds of intervention may be extremely strong and the national political rewards high – as would certainly be the case for a national strategy to upgrade Thailand’s low technology industries, an issue of critical importance since the Asian crisis – the political and economic institutional capacities may nonetheless be lacking or inadequate to the new developmental tasks. In this context, globalizations‘ enabling qualities turn into constraints.

 If  we  switch  focus  from  social  protection  to  promotion  of  wealth  creation strategies in industry, technology, and finance, whether the enabling features of globalization lead to more market-competitive or more public-private cooperation will once   again   depend  largely  upon   the   character  of   the   prevailing  norms   and arrangements. In liberal market contexts, characterized by arms-length approaches, norms of competitive liberalism, and non-interventionist traditions, economic openness has generally enabled governments to deepen market mechanisms in line with pro- competitive norms and pro-consumer preferences.

 On the other hand, in coordinated market contexts, characterized by traditions of statecraft, coordinated or state-guided approaches to economic change, and strong policy networks linking state and business, globalization has generally enabled both governments and business to manage openness in line with pro-producer preferences and the goals of strengthening the national economy (Weiss, 1998). As further substantive research casts light on the mediating role of domestic institutions, we may learn more about the triangular relationship concerning the logics of constraint, enablement, and institutional response.

 The Keynesian theory

 One  conclusion  that  derives  from  the  classical  theory  is  that  in  the  long  run, unemployment is not possible, the market for labor would have adjusted to clear. In the 1920s and 1930s, the whole world something called the great depression. Prices of commodities went down, production went down, and unemployment increased drastically. For  Keynes, who  was  living  at  that  time,  the  classical  theory seemed nonsensical due to the fact that there was mass unemployment, which persisted for a long period. In his book; The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, he gave an explanation of how he felt it was possible to have persistent unemployment in the long run. His overriding conclusion was that the level of output in the economy depended very largely on the level of demand, not just for the individual commodity, but rather the aggregate demand for the entire economy. He argued that without adequate demand, producers will not produce enough to keep everyone employed. He concluded that it might be necessary for agents such as governments to intervene in the workings of the general economy to make sure that the markets are pushed to the desirable equilibria. Much of the current thinking in economics has been influenced by Keynesian theory.

 Conclusion

 Specialization and trade are absolutely essential to widespread prosperity. Not only does  specialization  improve  each  worker’s  capacity  to  produce,  but  when  done according to producers‘ comparative advantage, specialization ensures that each good and service is produced at the lowest possible cost. And competition among producers spurs not only a continual quest for further improvements in production efficiency but also  the  necessity  of  each  producer  eventually  to  share  the  value  of  these improvements with  consumers in  the  form of  lower  prices. Restricting consumers‘ choices to those products produced within a particular country, in addition to restricting the degree to which labor can specialize, artificially chokes off this competition. Any creative ideas that foreign entrepreneurs might contribute about how to improve product quality or production efficiency are excluded by government policy from the domestic market.

 The result is a narrower and shallower division of labor, as well as less creativity and competition put at the service of the domestic economy. Nevertheless, the economic gains that result from a global division of labor might be insufficient to compensate for other (real or imagined) downsides of such an international reach of specialization and competition. The bulk of the evidence from empirical research and the most widely accepted theories confirm the fact that free trade promotes widespread prosperity and that globalization is a boon to humankind.

 If two individuals find trade with each other to be advantageous, the presence or absence of a political boundary running between these persons‘ physical locations is economically irrelevant. The expected gains from trade that motivate each of them to exchange with the other do not disappear or change simply by declaring that one of the people is a citizen of country A while the other person is a citizen of country B. And because opportunities for specialization increase with expansions of the geographic range and in the numbers of people over which economic exchanges occur, refusing to let political boundaries define economic boundaries increases prosperity.

 Antiglobalists who rest their arguments against free trade on the undesirability of economic uncertainty must also oppose any and all sources of economic change, including advances in technology, freedom of domestic entrepreneurs, and changes in consumers‘ tastes. Antiglobalists who oppose only the uncertainty created by trade across international borders are inconsistent, for economic change comes from many other sources as well. Second, globalization also decreases some kinds of uncertainty. Any economic downturn that causes consumers to cut back on their spending is more likely to afflict just one country or one part of the globe than to afflict the entire world all at once. So firms that sell to customers around the world—just like firms that receive supplies from around the world—do not have all of their eggs in one basket. These firms‘ customer bases are diversified, meaning that an economic downturn that causes some of their customers to cut spending is more likely to be offset by economic upturns elsewhere that prompt others of their customers to spend more. Uncertainty is reduced for these globally diversified firms and their workers.

 Third, no one is forced to participate in the global economy. Anyone who wants to escape international commerce can do so without forcing others to join in his or her isolation from the world economy. The truly devoted antiglobalist can buy a plot of land—the world has a good deal of arable land available at reasonable prices—and live self-sufficiently, without  trading with  others. He  (perhaps along  with his immediate family) can supply his own food and drink, build his own house, gather his own water, cut his own trees to get wood for fuel, make his own clothes and shoes, provide his own medical care, and create his own entertainment. This self-sufficient person will  be immune to corporate manipulation, financial speculators, exchange-rate swings, IMF and  WTO  policies, and  wage  pressures  unleashed  by  expanded  global  trade.  Of course, the price this person must pay for this immunity from the global economy is a life of almost unimaginable poverty. Almost no antiglobalist is willing to pay this price.

 Most antiglobalists want two inconsistent things. They want immunity from the forces  of  economic    change  and  they  want  the  goods  and  services  that  market capitalism makes possible. They cannot have both. Essential to market capitalism is the freedom of entrepreneurs to offer new products and the freedom of consumers to buy these products if they choose (that is, consumer sovereignty). These freedoms necessarily mean that no producer, including no worker, enjoys a guaranteed market. These freedoms necessarily mean that, along with the immense wealth made widely available by  market  capitalism, every  producer and  consumer  must  tolerate  some amount of economic uncertainty. There is nothing wrong, of course, with attempts to reduce the negative consequences of this uncertainty as much as possible. Perhaps, as Kenneth F. Scheve and Matthew J. Slaughter propose in their article, „A New Deal for

Globalization,“ government should create programs aimed at helping workers displaced by changes wrought by freer trade. But consider this question: Are workers who lose their jobs to foreign firms more deserving of government assistance than are workers who lose their jobs to domestic rivals, to improved technologies, or simply to changes in consumer preferences?) What governments should not do, if they seek maximum long- run prosperity for their citizens, is to pretend that restricting trade either increases prosperity or decreases economic uncertainty. Protectionism does neither.

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Bhagwati, J. (2004): In Defence of Globalization. Oxford. Oxford University Press. Cortell, A. P.(2006): Mediating Globalization: Domestic Institutions and Industrial

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Source by Godfred Kwame Abledu

$1200 Investment – What is a Quality Investment?

Immobilie bewerten, Immobilie Wert, Immobilienrechner, Verkaufsrechner, Immobilienwertermittlung

If you have $1200 and you decided the best thing to do would be to invest it for hopefully a little brighter future, what would you do with it? There are many things you can do with it but what would give you the best chance of a return?

$1200 is not a heck of a lot of money in the stock market and as for real estate, the escrow lawyer would gobble that up in an afternoon. But investing it would still be a better idea than blowing it on a good night out. So what can you do?

The attributes of a quality investment are simple. You want a high return with as little capital risk as possible. That’s it. If you can find an investment with such properties you would be doing well. A high return would be defined as anything above 14% for the whole year, because that is the historical average of real estate. So if you can beat 14% with just $1200 dollars seed capital, you not only beat an investment that typically requires at least $10,000 to $20,000 in deposit and entry fee’s but you did it with a humble $1200.

The other criteria is low risk and that can be eliminated in the same way real estate eliminates risk. When you buy property as an investment, you actually receive a tangible and insurable asset in exchange for the money you hand over. This asset has a ready market and can be liquidated back into cash without too much effort. To replicate this at the $1200 level you could just as easily purchase a bottle of vintage wine as an investment, Or maybe a cheap car that you can clean up and resell for a return.

Immobilienmakler Heidelberg

Makler Heidelberg

Immobilienmakler Heidelberg

Makler Heidelberg

Immobilie bewerten, Immobilie Wert, Immobilienrechner, Verkaufsrechner, Immobilienwertermittlung

Immobilienmakler Heidelberg

Makler Heidelberg


Der Immoblienmakler für Heidelberg Mannheim und Karlsruhe
Wir verkaufen für Verkäufer zu 100% kostenfrei
Schnell, zuverlässig und zum Höchstpreis


Source by Terry Hart

Using a Mixer Insert Jack as a Direct Out

Immobilie bewerten, Immobilie Wert, Immobilienrechner, Verkaufsrechner, Immobilienwertermittlung

When connecting a mixer to a digital audio interface or multi-track recorder, you normally connect the Direct Out jack of each mixer channel to a track’s input on the interface. For example, let’s say your kick drum mic is connected to channel 1 of the mixer. If you wanted to record the kick drum to track 1, you would connect the channel 1 Direct Out to the track 1 input of the interface. You would then connect the channel 2 Direct Out to the track 2 input of the interface, etc. Using the Direct Outs in such a way takes each channel’s signal post-fader and post-EQ and sends it straight to the recording device. This allows you to record that one instrument (and only that instrument) to its corresponding track on the recorder or in your DAW software.

But what if your mixer doesn’t come equipped with Direct Outs? Many lower-priced mixers, or mixers designed more for stage use, do not. It’s also common on many 16-channel mixers to only have Direct Outs on the first 8 channels. If your mixer doesn’t have Direct Outs (or doesn’t have enough of them), you could always use the Main L/R Outputs of the mixer, but there are only two of them. But the problem with this is that ALL of the channels in use will get mixed together and sent to those outputs, which is generally not what you want. If your mixer has Subgroup outs (or „buses“), you could use those, but on a 4-bus mixer, there are only, well–4 of them. So what’s a guy to do if he wants to record each mixer channel to its own track? Fortunately, there’s another alternative–the Insert Jack.

An Insert Jack is a TRS (Tip-Ring-Sleeve or 1/4? stereo) jack that is typically used to connect a signal processor to only affect a single mixer channel. An example would be a compressor or noise gate that might be connected through the Insert Jack of a mixer channel to only affect a single vocal mic. To use the Insert Jack in such a way, you need a „Y“ cable with a stereo TRS plug on one end (connected to the Insert Jack) and two mono TS (Tip-Sleeve or 1/4? mono) plugs on the other end. One of the TS plugs is connected to the input on the signal processor and the other is connected to the output of the same device. So essentially, the Insert Jack creates a signal „loop“ that both sends the signal for the channel out to an external signal processor and then returns it back to the mixer, all through a single jack (the Insert Jack). However, if you’re not using an Insert Jack for its intended purpose (and you often will not), it has a handy second function–as a Direct Out.

There are a few different ways of using an Insert Jack as a Direct Out. First, you can use a standard TS to TS patch cable. Plug the cable all the way in to the Insert Jack. The only drawback here is that the signal is sent to the recorder from the Insert jack, but the signal is „interrupted“ and is no longer sent to the mixer’s main outputs. This may be okay for some recording situations, but in other cases, you will want the signal passed on through to the main outputs as normal, for monitoring purposes or for connection to a power amp and speakers in the case of a live concert.

The next option using a regular TS to TS cable is to only plug the cable in to the „first click“ of the Insert Jack. This will tap the signal and send it straight out to the recorder, while still allowing it to pass on through to the mixer’s main outputs. The only drawback to this is that if you don’t get the cable plugged in just right (to only the first click), you may end up with either no signal to your recorder or no signal to the main outputs (or both).

So a better alternative than the „first click“ or the „all-the-way-in“ method is to use a special cable or adapter that both passes the signal for the channel to the send of the Insert Jack but still passes it on through to the mixer’s outputs as normal. To do this, you can use a Stereo Plug to Mono Jack adapter with a normal mono TS to TS cable. Or you could buy a special Insert Direct Out cable adapter.

However, if you’re like me, you like to keep your connections and cable runs as simple and clean as possible, in which case you don’t like using adapters or plugging cables into cables. So the most elegant alternative is to use a specialized Insert Jack/Direct Out cable for just this purpose. Assuming that you have some very basic soldering skills, this cable is very easy to make, which I will now describe.

Start with a regular mono patch cable with TS plugs on both ends. Remove one of the plugs from the end with some wire cutters or tin snips. Now, solder a stereo TRS plug onto that end of the cable, shorting the Tip and Ring together, and connecting the shield to the Sleeve as normal. This will effectively send the signal to the output of the Insert Jack, while simultaneously returning it to the mixer, which will pass the signal on through to the Main outputs.

insert_as_direct_out.jpg

Some audio snobs might scoff at such a technique, saying that an Insert Jack wasn’t designed to be used this way, and therefore it shouldn’t be. However, some audio purists argue that for recording purposes, this method might actually be superior to using a Direct Out, because the signal path should be the shortest, cleanest, and most uncolored. The reason is that the signal is being sent directly from the preamp to the recorder, without going anywhere else. It’s not passing through the EQ or even the fader, which could, in theory, color or degrade the signal.

Now, of course, like anything else, there are some pros and cons to using this technique. We’ve already covered the pros, so now for the cons. First, when using this technique, the only control that you have over the level of the signal being sent to the recorder is the Trim or Gain knob on your mixer. Because the Insert Jack is pre-fader, the fader becomes useless in terms of the signal being sent to the recorder. However, the fader will still control the level of the channel in the main mix. Second, when using this technique, you are bypassing the EQ, so if you like to use some EQ for preliminary shaping of the recorded track, you’re out of luck. But in most cases, I don’t use any EQ when tracking. I use the parametric EQ built into my DAW software for shaping the sound of my tracks after recording, so this isn’t really a concern for me. Finally, if you’re using the Insert Jack as a Direct Out, you can no longer use it as an Insert. So if you wanted to patch a Compressor into the channel to tame some peaks, you’d have to connect it another way (i.e.: Insert to Compressor to Recorder).

In conclusion, if you need to do some multitrack recording, but don’t have a mixer that’s equipped with Direct Outs (or enough of them), the Insert Jack makes a handy replacement. Or if you’re an audio purist who wants the cleanest and shortest possible signal path between your mic and recorder, the Insert Jack may be the way to go.

Immobilienmakler Heidelberg

Makler Heidelberg

Immobilienmakler Heidelberg

Makler Heidelberg

Immobilie bewerten, Immobilie Wert, Immobilienrechner, Verkaufsrechner, Immobilienwertermittlung

Immobilienmakler Heidelberg

Makler Heidelberg


Der Immoblienmakler für Heidelberg Mannheim und Karlsruhe
Wir verkaufen für Verkäufer zu 100% kostenfrei
Schnell, zuverlässig und zum Höchstpreis


Source by Jon Goad